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Tuesday’s Commission conference meeting was supposed to be a routine update on city business. What it turned into was something else entirely — a chaotic and revealing look at how Fort Lauderdale’s most powerful lobbyist continues to shape policy and bend the system to serve a narrow few. If anyone needed more evidence that this city operates on insider access and developer privilege, this meeting provided it in full color.

Let’s start where we left off: One Stop Shop. If you read our last editorial, you could have used it as a play-by-play program for this week’s conference meeting. Every issue we predicted showed up, from missing financing documents to special treatment to the city’s chronic inability to hold developers accountable. This boondoggle of a project, greenlit over three years ago, has produced zero construction, zero permits, and zero rent on 3.3 acres of prime public land. But what it has generated is a mountain of excuses. On Tuesday, the pile got higher.

Developer Jeffrey John arrived with a mystery man whose role was never clearly defined. Together, they attempted to explain the project’s financing. They dropped a company name, then corrected it. Was it BGC London? BCG London? They weren’t even sure if they could say it out loud. A member of the public later pointed out that the firm’s website identifies it as a broker, not a lender. So who exactly is putting up the $100+ million they claim to have secured?

John then claimed that he, “ARES,” and the financial group had all signed some kind of agreement. If “ARES” refers to the same ARES 2811 CORP. we discussed last week, the one tied to a suburban home in New York and no digital presence, that should alarm everyone. But again, no documentation was submitted, nor was it submitted later that night.

One Stop, No Progress, Same Protection

So how does this continue? Well, start with Stephanie Toothaker, who represents One Stop Shop and was seated next to the developer. Then look at who still insists on defending this project: Commissioner Steve Glassman, who said he sees no reason to terminate the agreement. Glassman was one of the original cheerleaders for this deal. That hasn’t changed, even as it spirals further into absurdity.

Mayor Dean Trantalis seemed skeptical — as did Commissioner Ben Sorensen, breaking with Glassman for the first significant time in recent memory. Could it be that Trantalis and Sorensen are finally hopping off Glassman’s crazy train? If so, it’s about time. Because the only thing more bizarre than this project’s complete lack of documentation was the wild defense of it by Commissioner Glassman. Thankfully, Commissioners Herbst and Pittman weren’t buying the excuses either. Herbst, a finance and accounting professional, flatly stated that he’s never seen anything like it. It took that level of pressure just to get the Commission to send a formal notice of breach, giving the developer 30 days to cure. Which sounds serious, until you remember that these financing commitments were due within 90 days of the contract being executed. The contract was executed three years ago.

Why did staff let this slide for so long? Why has the Commission been asleep at the wheel? And more importantly, why does Toothaker’s client continue to receive this kind of protection when any other vendor would’ve been terminated years ago?

Let’s also talk about what Glassman actually said. In one of the more absurd moments of the meeting, he warned that if the One Stop Shop project fails, we’ll end up with “massive towers” on the property instead. Let’s be very clear: this is public land. There will be no massive towers on this site unless the City Commission gives the land away and approves such a project. The only people who can make that happen are the five commissioners sitting on the dais, and last time we checked, Glassman is one of them. What kind of commissioner threatens the public with an outcome like that as justification for keeping a questionably financed deal alive after three years of no progress?

It didn’t stop with One Stop Shop.

The Lobbyist Ban That Wasn’t

So why did the Mayor suggest carving out those boards? Maybe because Stephanie Toothaker is Vice-Chair of the DDA and is in line to become Chair. She’s the only lobbyist on the board. The DDA has enormous sway over the future of Fort Lauderdale’s growth and development. Toothaker’s position there isn’t ceremonial. It’s power, real power. And Trantalis and Glassman appear far more concerned with protecting her than with protecting the public from undue influence.

And here’s the kicker. The ordinance, as drafted, would not have excluded either Barbara Stern or myself, despite Glassman’s public complaints about their appointments to the Planning & Zoning Board. So what exactly was his concern? It wasn’t about consistency. It wasn’t about ethics. It was about control.

Tuesday’s meeting showed how far this city is willing to bend when the right lobbyist is in the room. It showed who still gets a pass when rules are broken, deadlines are missed, and the public is lied to. And it showed how fragile our systems really are when they’re run on private influence instead of public accountability.

Fort Lauderdale deserves better than a government that works for one person.

If Fort Lauderdale’s budget were a household, it would be the kind of place where the lights are on thanks to maxed-out credit cards, the roof leaks because repairs were put off, and the furniture has been pawned for a quick fix. That’s what The Bloc, Mayor Dean Trantalis, Commissioner Ben Sorensen, and Commissioner Steve Glassman have done to our city—pawned off our most valuable lands and assets to developers and private interests for pennies on the dollar, all to fund short-term vanity and record-breaking campaign accounts.

And now? The bill is coming due.

At a recent budget workshop, the City’s financial advisor laid out a dire scenario: a looming $107 million budget deficit and emergency reserves depleted within a few years. For too long, commissioners have clung to the fantasy that growth pays for itself. But rising home values, driven by a regional real estate boom rather than local leadership, only masked the truth. The City’s operating costs exploded alongside that growth, bloated by political pet projects, questionable raises, new hires, and unsustainable new programs.

The police station? Ballooned from $100M to over $150M, with serious structural concerns. City Hall? Left to crumble and now we may need to float another bond for a fancy new building, because this commission wants its name on something new.

Some of these same commissioners doubled their salaries and enjoy car allowances generous enough to support Bentleys. All while basic services, like keeping up with police and fire staffing, lag behind.

The One Stop Shell Game

And let’s not forget the disaster that is the One Stop Shop — another Stephanie Toothaker deal — passed more than three years ago and still not a shovel in the ground. The City collects zero rent until construction is completed. Even worse, the developer has never even pulled a building permit, because the clock for the three-year construction deadline doesn’t start ticking until they do. No construction deadline. No guaranteed timeline. No revenue. Just promises.

“The business plan was deeply flawed, which is why it has yet to be built,” said Commissioner John Herbst, who it is believed was fired as the City Auditor at the time over his criticism of the deal.

That same parcel — 3.3 acres of prime, city-owned land in the heart of downtown, steps from our now-demolished City Hall — could have been used to build a new City Hall or at least finance one. Instead, it was handed over for nothing, licensed away on buzzwords like “cultural arts park” for a food hall that will likely never materialize. And let’s be honest—one of three things is likely to happen: the original developer flips the deal to another buyer and what gets built bears little resemblance to what was promised; nothing happens for the foreseeable future as the land sits idle; or the City finds a way to quietly exit the deal to make room for another sweetheart arrangement with a different lobbyist-backed developer—we’ll bet on the latter.

Likewise, Bahia Mar is being redeveloped with little gain for taxpayers and the air rights were given away so that we now will have condos on public land in perpetuity.

The City That Fell in Love with Renderings

And to be clear: you can like some of these projects and still find the process reprehensible. It’s not the concept of a park upgrade, a cultural district, or a stadium that should make your skin crawl — it’s the disposition of public land, your land, for even a penny below fair market value. That’s the issue. When deals are cut with lobbyists behind closed doors, without transparency, without accountability, and without securing fair value for taxpayers, it doesn’t matter how nice the rendering looks — the public is being robbed.

Turning Water Into Gold

But let’s not forget Fort Lauderdale’s water plant, one of the City’s most critical assets, was basically handed off through a Public-Private Partnership, despite our AAA bond rating that could have secured a far better deal for ratepayers. Now, residents are staring down the barrel of water rates that may double to cover private profit margins.

While former Commissioner Ben Sorensen didn’t cast a vote on the final approval of the controversial water plant project, he had spent years championing it and pushing it forward. He didn’t get the chance to vote on the final contract because he resigned mid-term to pursue a failed run for Congress, leaving his district behind just as the most consequential decision came to a head.

His successor (and now predecessor), Warren Sturman, who was elected in a short-term special election, ultimately cast the vote in favor of the project. That vote stands as one of the more long-lasting negative effects of Sturman’s short and disjointed time in office — a term that ended when he came in third in his own re-election bid returning his seat to Sorensen.

Lessons We Refuse to Learn

Cities across the U.S.—from Coatesville, Pennsylvania, to Salem, New Jersey, and even right here in Florida—have learned the hard way what happens when you hand over public utilities to private interests. In Jacksonville, the city privatized its water system in the late 1990s, only to see rates spike and residents revolt. The backlash was so strong that Jacksonville ended up borrowing hundreds of millions of dollars to buy the system back just to try to bring rates under control.

Gainesville offers another cautionary tale. In 2009, Gainesville Regional Utilities entered into a 30-year power purchase agreement with the privately owned Gainesville Renewable Energy Center, committing to pay approximately $70 million annually, totaling over $2 billion over the contract’s duration, even if the facility wasn’t producing power. This agreement led to some of the highest utility rates in the state. In response to public outcry and financial strain, the city decided in 2017 to buy out the contract and purchase the biomass plant for $750 million of debt financing.

They Want More—and They’ll Get It from You

And if that’s not enough? City officials have floated an EMS assessment tax, because Fort Lauderdale is one of the only cities in Broward that doesn’t staff its ambulances with three-person teams. The City Attorney recently stopped that proposal in its tracks, but the appetite for new revenue remains strong.

And for the record, we fully support three-person rescue crews. We think it’s astonishing we don’t already have them. But maybe that should have been a priority instead of funding a literal award-winning propaganda—erm, I mean, “Strategic Communications Department.”

Some commissioners, most notably Glassman, are already downplaying the need for tax hikes. But the truth is, the conversation is already shifting. Bill Brown, chair of the city’s Budget Advisory Board, and one of Glassman’s chief lieutenants, said it bluntly: “At some point, they’re going to have to raise the tax rate.”

Commissioners have begun testing the waters, citing increased pension costs, expiring grants, and spiraling construction budgets. And yet no one wants to talk about cutting bloat, auditing contracts, or asking whether every trip and consultant fee is truly necessary. Instead of trimming the fat, they’re coming for your wallet.

Those developers got sweetheart deals — but now, when the bill is coming due, it’s you, the taxpayer, who’s expected to make up the difference.

Tunnels, Towers, and Tone-Deaf Leadership

It’s a cultural problem. The Bloc of Mayor Trantalis and Commissioners Glassman and Sorensen just doesn’t get it. While residents face soaring insurance, assessments, and utility bills, our elected officials are busy chasing a $1.5B tunnel, ignoring more sensible options like the bridge for the new commuter rail that the County offered to fund.

And that growth they keep promising would pay for itself? It’s only made things worse. Infrastructure continues to crumble. The city couldn’t even hire enough project managers to keep up with the money they borrowed for repair work. Traffic congestion has reached unbearable levels. Our environment is being bulldozed in every direction. And while luxury towers go up, the lack of transitional and affordable housing has pushed Fort Lauderdale’s homelessness crisis to an all-time high.

Digging Deeper into Debt

For those paying attention, the question is simple: where is the money coming from? These commissioners have been on a spending spree without checking the bank account. At this point, it’s hard to tell whether The Bloc wants to dig a tunnel — or just dig us into debt.

Routine Appointments Turn Into Political Drama

What should have been a routine board appointment process in Fort Lauderdale has instead erupted into controversy and infighting on the City Commission. In recent meetings, a majority bloc of Mayor Dean Trantalis and Commissioners Steve Glassman and Ben Sorensen (now dubbed “The Bloc” or the “Unholy Trinity”) banded together to reject two highly qualified nominees for city advisory boards. Their targets? Longtime civic figures Barbra Stern and John Rodstrom III, both put forward by Commissioner John Herbst.

Fort Lauderdale’s advisory boards – from Planning & Zoning to Marine Advisory Board – are typically filled with community volunteers nominated by individual commissioners. Historically, the commission exercises professional courtesy in confirming each other’s choices. Not anymore. In 3-2 votes, Trantalis, Glassman, and Sorensen voted “No” on Herbst’s nominees to the Planning & Zoning Board—Stern on April 1, 2025, and Rodstrom on April 14, 2025—over the objections of Herbst and Commissioner Pamela Beasley-Pittman.

Qualified Nominees Rejected by “The Bloc”

The rejected nominees are by no means fringe figures. Barbra Stern is a respected attorney with deep roots in the community who just recently ran for Mayor. She even served for many years as a member of the Florida Elections Commission – a role to which she was unanimously confirmed by the Florida Senate. Her other civic contributions include serving on the Community Appearance Board, Riverwalk Fort Lauderdale, the executive board of the Fort Lauderdale International Film Festival, and as Chair of the Broward Performing Arts Center Authority. Stern’s legal acumen and public service pedigree should have made her an obvious asset on any city board. John Rodstrom III likewise has a strong civic record. An attorney and son of former Broward County Commissioner John Rodstrom Jr. and City Commissioner Charlotte Rodstrom, John Rodstrom III has been an active figure in Fort Lauderdale civic life for many years. Six months ago, he was serving on the city’s Budget Advisory Board, helping oversee the city’s billion-dollar budget. He is perhaps best known as the pro bono attorney for Save Snyder Park, where he represented a coalition of residents fighting against the private development of one of the city’s parks. He has also served on the board of the Salvation Army of Broward County for the last five years and is the Chairman of their Adult Rehabilitation Center’s Advisory Council. By all accounts, these nominees were experienced, engaged, and qualified citizens eager to serve their city.

Ironically, it was Charlotte Rodstrom—then a City Commissioner—who first appointed Steve Glassman to the Planning & Zoning Board nearly 20 years ago, launching his career in city politics. At the time, Glassman was known as a passionate civic activist. But since taking office himself, he has made a dramatic about-face on many of the very issues he once claimed to champion. The transformation has not gone unnoticed by longtime residents and former supporters alike.

The Bloc’s official rationale for blocking Stern and Rodstrom was murky. In public, some mutterings about “lobbyists” were offered – implying Stern and Rodstrom might have conflicts – but in reality neither nominee is a registered lobbyist for any developer before the city (an ironic twist, given the commission’s own friends include actual lobbyists). To many, it appeared the trio’s true motivation was political. All three “Bloc” members are aligned against Commissioner Herbst on various city issues, and both Stern and Rodstrom are perceived as being in Herbst’s camp. This break with tradition left Herbst fuming and others shaking their heads. “I look forward to the next couple of years. It’s going to be a hell of a ride,” Herbst quipped sarcastically after seeing his picks shot down.

Political Hypocrisy on Full Display

The political hypocrisy in this saga is hard to ignore. Just back in October 2024, Mayor Trantalis and Commissioner Glassman openly defended the practice of appointing political allies to city boards. Trantalis called it “a cardinal sin to deny a commissioner the right to appoint someone.” That same month, Glassman stated that “[e]very appointment is a political appointment. When we get into office, who do we appoint? We appoint qualified people and they might have also helped in a campaign.” Fast forward to today, and both are doing exactly what they cautioned against—forming a voting bloc to stonewall their colleagues’ appointments. Worse, Commissioner Sorensen has now joined them in this behavior. For someone widely expected to run for Mayor, his participation in these petty power plays shows a troubling lack of the independent leadership needed to represent not just his district, but the entire city.

Consider the contrast: Commissioner John Herbst demonstrated impartiality by supporting the appointment of his former election rival, Norby Belz, to the Budget Advisory Board. Belz had run against Herbst for the District 1 commission seat, yet Herbst put aside past rivalry and championed Belz for a board position, recognizing his willingness to serve. Trantalis, Glassman, and Sorensen, however, have taken the opposite approach – putting petty politics above the public interest. They’ve sent a clear message that if you’re not on “our team,” you’re not welcome to serve.

Erosion of Norms and Commission Dysfunction

This board appointment fiasco is symptomatic of a broader dysfunction and erosion of norms on the Fort Lauderdale City Commission. The collegial courtesy that once governed interactions has frayed badly. In its place is a climate of mistrust and tit-for-tat maneuvers. Commissioners Trantalis, Glassman, and Sorensen have effectively formed a ruling triad, often leaving Commissioners Herbst and Beasley-Pittman on the outside looking in. Such bloc voting can steamroll opposition, but it also poisons the well of cooperation. Today it’s board appointments being blocked; tomorrow it could be something even more consequential.

It’s no wonder this City Commission can’t even maintain a working relationship with the County. They’ve shown time and again that they cannot “play nice” with anyone who holds even a slightly different perspective. Collaboration is no longer just broken—it’s been actively discarded. We need commissioners who are not only capable of working together, but also of constructively engaging with outside partners to move our city forward.

It’s no coincidence that the City has canceled meeting after meeting with the County regarding the Bridge/Tunnel Commuter Rail project. The dysfunction on display has real costs. Fort Lauderdale faces serious challenges—development pressures, infrastructure woes, a looming budget crisis—that require unity and collaboration. The blocking of Barbra Stern and John Rodstrom III is more than just a personal slight—it’s a warning sign that political grudges are eroding the checks and balances that make local government work.

Conclusion: Time to End the Petty Politics

Let’s be clear: city boards exist to serve the public—not to serve as instruments of petty political punishment. Blocking thoughtful, qualified residents from volunteering only weakens our institutions and fractures trust in local government. Neither Barbra Stern nor John Rodstrom can be intimidated by “The Bloc,” and perhaps that’s exactly why they were targeted. According to Herbst his colleagues will continue to reject his appointments “until I appoint someone they believe they can intimidate.”

That’s not governance—that’s a problem.

Two years ago, Fort Lauderdale residents in Edgewood and River Oaks watched helplessly as over 26 inches of water flooded their homes, swept through their streets, and swallowed entire blocks. It wasn’t a fluke. It wasn’t unforeseeable. And it wasn’t just the rain.

Now, two class-action lawsuits are shining a light on what many residents already knew: this disaster wasn’t just about weather — it was about failure.

The recently filed lawsuits, accuse contractors hired by the City of Fort Lauderdale of tearing out critical drainage infrastructure as part of a stormwater improvement project — and failing to install any temporary flood mitigation while doing it. The result? A historic flood made exponentially worse by recklessness.

“It was not complete, and we didn’t have anything in the meantime to keep us from flooding,” said River Oaks resident Ted Inserra, who recalled water rising from the creek, over the curb, and straight into his house.

These lawsuits don’t name the City directly — likely due to sovereign immunity protections — but let’s be honest: the blame leads right back to City Hall (if we had one). The city hired the contractors. The city approved the work. And the city utterly failed to supervise what was happening in two of its most flood-prone neighborhoods.

A Failure to Plan — Despite Every Warning

Officials tried to write off the 2023 flood as a “1,000-year storm,” but there was nothing unpredictable about what happened. These are low-lying neighborhoods, long known to be vulnerable, with documented modeling identifying their flood risks.

Moreover, nearby airport expansions increased runoff and flood potential — but no additional protections were installed. There were no pumps, no barriers, and no backup plan while the old systems were ripped out. Nothing but empty promises and political sound bites.

A Broader Pattern of Mismanagement

This isn’t an isolated mistake. It’s part of a longer pattern of infrastructure failure, political dysfunction, and possible corruption in Fort Lauderdale.

Remember the 2019–2020 sewage disaster, when over 211 million gallons of raw sewage poured into our neighborhoods and waterways? That wasn’t just bad luck — it was the direct result of the city siphoning funds away from water and sewer infrastructure for nearly a decade to cover operating costs. Even after warnings from the state and residents, the same commission majority voted to continue the practice, until the Florida Department of Environmental Protection issued a consent order mandating repairs.

Or look at the new Fort Lauderdale Police Headquarters, a $100 million project that has ballooned in cost and is now facing serious structural issues. Independent engineering reports found a bending roof slab and cracking foundation, stating the construction did not meet design specifications. Work was abruptly halted, with no clear fix in sight.

Now add this: former City Manager Greg Chavarria, who oversaw much of the HQ project, quietly resigned in April 2024. Shortly afterward, he accepted a position with KEITH, the same engineering firm involved in that project. This move came just as the Broward Office of the Inspector General issued a scathing report accusing Chavarria of violating the city charter.

That’s not just a lapse in ethics — it’s a case study in how deep the rot goes inside Fort Lauderdale.

Enter “The Bloc”

What do these failures have in common? The same leadership team: Mayor Dean Trantalis, Commissioner Steve Glassman, and Commissioner Ben Sorensen — a group often referred to as “the bloc” “the holy trinity” or the “unholy trinity” depending on who you talk to.

Their tenure has been marked by mismanagement, cost overruns, political theater, and special treatment for insiders — all while the public infrastructure crumbles. Whether it’s the flooding in River Oaks, the sewer disaster, the failing police station, a ridiculous tesla tunnel, never ending debate on a bridge or tunnel for commuter rail, or the delayed $200 million parks bond, the outcome is the same: residents pay the price, and their voices are drowned out by donors and developers.

Neighborhoods like River Oaks and Edgewood — working-class areas with deep roots — are ignored while city money and attention are funneled toward vanity projects, high-end development, and their influential special interest allies.

Insider Favoritism

One of the clearest examples of overreach and insider favoritism came in the aftermath of the 2019 sewer main collapse in Rio Vista. An independent audit found that Commissioner Ben Sorensen made 121 unauthorized calls to staff and contractors, directing them to carry out work well beyond the scope of emergency repairs — including raising roads, narrowing streets, and installing park features.

These actions violated the city charter, which explicitly prohibits commissioners from instructing city staff or vendors. Yet despite the audit’s findings, no disciplinary action was ever taken.

What followed says everything you need to know about how business gets done in Fort Lauderdale. Stephanie Toothaker, a powerful lobbyist and close political ally of The Bloc, owned a home on Ponce de Leon Drive — directly impacted by the sewer break. On June 5, 2020, she quietly transferred ownership of that property to a trust: the WPRK Family Trust. Just one month later, on July 7, 2020, the City Commission approved a motion authorizing settlement of all potential liability claims of the WPRK Family Trust — in the amount of $548,329.  

The motion passed without public scrutiny, and because the settlement was issued in the trust’s name, few would have recognized who was actually benefiting. But behind the paper trail, the political connections are hard to miss. The Bloc — Glassman, Sorensen, and Trantalis — approved the payout to a close political ally, without any discussion of the conflict or concern for public optics.

So while insiders like Stephanie Toothaker pocket nearly half a million dollars—thanks to her cozy ties with The Bloc that runs the City—you get nothing. No reimbursement for your destroyed homes. No answers from the contractors who botched the job. Just a City that hides behind sovereign immunity and Commissioner Sorensen who is too busy rubbing shoulders with wealthy donors in other districts to even show up for his own. It took a class action lawsuit and a powerhouse law firm from Texas just to have a shot at compensation. That’s what it takes to be heard in Fort Lauderdale these days—because unless you’re in the club, no one’s writing you a check.

The people of Fort Lauderdale are tired of watching their tax dollars disappear into bad projects, broken promises, and backroom deals. From sewage to flooding to failing public buildings, Fort Lauderdale’s infrastructure is a reflection of its leadership. And right now, it’s cracking under the weight. The only question now is—will members of The Bloc, specifically Sorensen and Glassman, who are both anticipated to run for Mayor after Trantalis is term limited, crack as well?